for Trump’s Would-Be Peacemaker
By David Horovitz
Times of Israel
March 14, 2017
Dear Mr. Greenblatt, I wish you only success as you set out
on your bid to pave a path to progress on the Israeli-Palestinian front. You may
be as surprised to be here as we all are to see you. And I’ve no idea how much
authority you actually have, or what is supposed to happen when you head back
home from the region. You may not know either.
But since this has not hitherto been your prime
preoccupation, and since you are the first official dispatched here by the new
president for the purpose of peacemaking, allow me to offer some insights, from
the perspective of an Israeli who has unhappily watched well-intentioned efforts
at peacemaking fail time and again over the years.
The Israeli mainstream wants to separate from the
Palestinians, not necessarily out of any particular love of our neighbors, but
out of simple self-interest. This is the only country on earth with a Jewish
majority. And we insist that it remain a democracy. Since there are today almost
as many non-Jews as Jews between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River, we
need to separate from many of the Palestinians or risk losing our Jewish state
or our democracy. We emphatically assert a historic right to the disputed West
Bank, the biblical Judea and Samaria, but exercising that right risks dooming
Jewish-democratic Israel, so we recognize the imperative to compromise with the
millions of Palestinians who also have rights in this land.
Plenty of us also believe it is bad for them and corrosive
for us to be running the lives of the Palestinians, to the reduced extent that
we still do. (Israel does not control day-to-day life in the West Bank cities.)
Most of us Israelis, for this reason too, are baffled by calls from some on the
political right to annex much or all of the West Bank. Why would we choose to
have millions of hostile Palestinians forced to live under our rule?
We also tend to think time is working against us.
Demographers argue among themselves, and many of us argue with the demographers,
but the general consensus is that, come back in a few decades, and the Jews will
be outnumbered between the river and the sea. There is thus an urgency for
Why, if this is so obvious, have we not then disconnected
ourselves from the Palestinians? Why did we so frustrate your predecessors in
the Obama Administration, spurning their entreaties to take territorial risks
for peace, deriding their talk of multilayered security fences and other
arrangements that would ostensibly keep us safe after a withdrawal to a slightly
amended version of the pre-1967 lines?
Why? Because we don’t trust the Palestinians. We think we
would be vulnerable to aggression they might initiate. And even if we were to
put aside our doubts about the current regime of Mahmoud Abbas, we know he could
be easily swept aside by Hamas or other extremists were the Israel Defense
Forces no longer deployed in the West Bank. And were Hamas or other extremists
to take over there, as they took over in Gaza after we left in 2005, Israel
would be paralyzed. Everywhere in Israel is within rudimentary rocket range of
everywhere in the West Bank. We managed to function, somehow, during 50 days of
war with Hamas in Gaza in 2014. We would not be able to function for a single
day with Hamas in control of the West Bank.
We didn’t always mistrust Abbas as much as we do today.
We concluded, after the 2000 attempt at peacemaking under the Clinton
Administration was doomed by Yasser Arafat, that Arafat was never going to
genuinely come to terms with Israel the Jewish state, and we saw him return from
those talks to foster the strategic onslaught of suicide bombings against us in
the Second Intifada. But we did not regard Abbas as an Arafat-style duplicitous
sponsor of terrorism, even though we lamented that Abbas failed to counter the
false narrative bequeathed by Arafat, to the effect that there were no Jewish
temples in Jerusalem, and thus that we Jews have no right to be here.
In recent years, however, we have also watched Abbas
preside over a hierarchy that relentlessly defamed and demonized Israel, that
incited his Palestinian people against us, and that did encourage terrorism. We
saw his Palestinian Authority immortalizing terrorists by naming streets and
squares in their memory, and paying salaries to families of terrorists. And
latterly, we saw him personally escalate the tensions surrounding the incendiary
Temple Mount, by hailing
the pure blood of Palestinian martyrs spilled in defense of Al-Aqsa —
directly contributing to the hysteria surrounding the site, and thus to the
car-rammings and stabbings and shootings.
How, then, in this near-impossible context, Mr. Greenblatt,
as a lover of Israel and doubtless as a seeker of peace, are you to succeed in
Peacemaking requires both decisive leadership and
grassroots support — each benefiting from the other.
There is grassroots Israeli support in principle for an
agreement because most Israelis, as I noted above, regard separation from the
Palestinians as a vital Israeli interest. And I would argue that Israel has
chosen leaders down the decades who proved their readiness for peacemaking, and
has ousted leaders — including Benjamin Netanyahu in 1999 — when it feared
that opportunities for peacemaking were being missed.
But there is no parallel on the Palestinian side. It seems
to me that there is woefully inadequate grassroots Palestinian support for an
accord, because the widespread Palestinian conviction remains that the Jews have
no right to be here, and that if they hang tough enough, for long enough, they
will be able to see off this iteration of Jewish sovereignty. Any Palestinian
leader who thus agrees to the far-reaching compromises an accord would
necessitate will be regarded as a traitor and betrayer of the cause.
As their veteran, ultra-credible leader, Arafat could have
worked to change the mindset of his Palestinian people more easily than Abbas.
Arafat could have impressed upon them that the only viable path to their
independence winds via true recognition of Israel. But he had no desire to do
so. Abbas would likely have been risking his life in seeking to tell his people
the inconvenient truth that the Jews have rights here too. He chose not to.
How to shift this picture, Mr. Greenblatt? One word:
Change what Palestinians are taught and told about Israel
in their schools and mosques, by their political leaders and via social media,
and you begin to create a climate in which, one day — who knows, perhaps even
in your era? — genuine progress toward an accommodation becomes possible.
And how do you achieve that change? By insisting upon it,
and using America’s leverage to have others insist upon it, too — as a
condition for financial aid to the Palestinians, and diplomatic support for the
Palestinians. Make the inculcation of a “culture of peace” a core element of
your efforts at peacemaking. In the Obama administration’s predictably
abortive attempt at forging a deal in 2013-14, the two sides did make some
progress toward a joint document devoted precisely to this issue — to
fostering tolerance and understanding and mutual respect. Israel’s one-time
chief negotiator Tzipi Livni gave me some details in an
interview in September 2014. Go back to that document. Revive it.
Educate, open minds, boost understanding, and you start to
change the nature of interaction. You give your mission some prospect of
I’m not saying that all the onus is on the Palestinian
side. Plainly, your administration is already giving some thought as to how
Israel could contribute to the beginning of a change in climate. Already, the
president has indicated some concerns over the settlement enterprise. President
Obama’s mistake was to castigate all building beyond the 1967 lines as a crime
of equal gravity. A wiser approach would be for Israel, in coordination with
your administration, to refrain from building in areas that we will have to
relinquish, however reluctantly, if we are to serve our long-term imperative to
separate from the Palestinians.
There is also more that can be done to help bolster the
Palestinian economy and freedom of movement, within the limitations of
Israel’s valid security concerns. A thriving West Bank economy is
unfortunately not a sufficient condition for peace, but it is a necessary one.
Mr. Greenblatt, you begin your mission in, potentially, a
slightly more encouraging era than some of your predecessors. Shared concerns
about Iran mean that others in this region are more ready than in the past to
ally with Israel, privately if not publicly. There was dismay in parts of this
region at the perceived weakness of the Obama Administration — failing to
support reformists in Iran; failing to intervene when Syria’s Bashar Assad
gassed his own people.
You have a clean slate.
Your administration is deemed unpredictable. And your
president relishes deal-making.
What would seem to have been logical for years — the need
to invest strategic efforts in education in order to create a grassroots
Palestinian climate that backs compromise — was ignored by your various
predecessors. They instead followed decades of conventional wisdom and sought to
strong-arm the sides into an impossible deal within an impossible time frame. I
urge you to defy conventional wisdom. Do the unexpected. It happens to be the
Assuming, that is, that your mission actually has
presidential potential to lead anywhere at all.